http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/lin-biao/
Lin Piao considered the Third World to be the equivalent of the "countryside" and First World white countries to be the equivalent of "cities" when writing his manifesto. The invasion and takeover of the U.S. and Europe by illegal aliens and opportunistic "asylum seekers" is the realization of Piao's dream of a Marxist takeover of the West by peasants from the Third World. An MK Ultra-indoctrinated population in the U.S. remains asleep while the people's army from the Third World takes over our nation.
http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/lin-biao/
Long Live the Victory of People's War!
In the enemy-occupied cities and villages, we combined legal with illegal struggle, united the basic masses . . . . and divided and disintegrated the political power of the enemy and his puppets so as to prepare ourselves to attack the enemy from within in co-ordination with operations from without when conditions were ripe.
At the same time, the work of building the revolutionary base areas was a grand rehearsal in preparation for nation-wide victory. In these base areas, we built the Party, ran the organs of state power, built the people's armed forces and set up mass organizations; we engaged in industry and agriculture and operated cultural, educational and all other undertakings necessary for the independent existence of a separate region. Our base areas were in fact a state in miniature. And with the steady expansion of our work in the base areas, our Party established a powerful peoples army, trained cadres for various kinds of work, accumulated experience in many fields and build up both the material and the moral strength that provided favourable conditions for nation-wide victory.
The revolutionary base areas established in the War of Resistance later became the springboards for the People's War of Liberation, in which the Chinese people defeated the Kuomintang reactionaries. In the War of Liberation we continued the policy of first encircling the cities from the countryside and then capturing the cities, and thus won nation-wide victory.
Next: Build a People's Army of a New Type
In 1986, Nicaraguan defector Alberto Suhr related to U.S. reporters what he and other Sandinista cadres had been told by Tomas Borge, the Sandinista interior minister. Borge, a ruthless henchman trained by Castro's DGI, instructed his comrades: "We have Nicaragua, soon we will have El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Costa Rica and Mexico. One day, tomorrow or 15 years from now, we're going to take 5 to 10 million Mexicans and they're going to have one thing in mind - cross the border, go into Dallas, go into Houston, go into New Mexico, go into San Diego, and each one has embedded in his mind the idea of killing 10 Americans." When Borge made that boast, he already had a sizeable fifth column of propagandists, foot soldiers, and narco-terrorists operating within the United States. Since then, several million more illegal aliens have entered the U.S., the Communist EZLN "Zapatista" forces in Mexico's Chiapas state have declared war on Mexico's corrupt and bankrupt ruling PRI regime, the Mexican economy has imploded, the drug cartels have taken control over much of Mexico, and the militant "Aztlan" movement has experienced a remarkable resurgence in U.S. Hispanic communities.
'They go as far north as they can'
Faces of Marxist Invaders and Supporters
http://www.indybay.org/news/2005/10/1779577.php
View this 11-minute video of the confrontation, courtesy Colorado Minutemen. It includes introductions of city officials, parts of the Mayor's speech, confrontation of the Mayor by concerned citizens on Denver's sanctuary city policy. Don't miss the segment taken outside where American citizens are told that "You are a guest on this land. We will keep you as a guest until the day we want you out."
http://www.cairco.org/sanctuary/el_centro.html
Chairman Mao and Lin Piao
Ha Ha Ha, America
Quotes from the invaders and their comrades.
http://www.sixthsunrising.com/
White Flight in Georgia
Mexican Hegemony on Border Moves Incrementally North
To illustrate how Lin Piao's Manifesto applies to the present day invasion of America by illegal aliens, listen to the following broadcast. Forward the slider bar on your computer's streaming audio player to the story on day laborers in Virginia. Pay particular notice to antagonistic tone of the invaders toward the rule of law and the concept of sovereignty or nation state. They act and behave in the way Lin Piao would have a liberation army act out against a perceived enemy or occupying oppressor. They see Americans as the illegal occupying demographic and themselves as the liberating people's army.
Immigrants Workers in Court Today (3:48)
Today more than a dozen illegal migrant workers arrested on misdemeanor loitering charges are in court in Northern Virginia.
http://www.fsrn.org/news/20041129_news.html
Great Invasion: Mexico Recovers Its Own"
Excelsior (Mexico City) Columnist Carlos Loret de Mola
Los Angeles, California. This is the second largest Mexican city in the world for the number of our compatriots settled there, and it must have as many Spanish-speakers as Madrid. The Anglo-Saxons are still the most numerous and there are a lot of Negroes, but the numerical advance of Mexicans is astonishing. Ten movie houses at once show the Cantinflas comedy "El Barrendero." On the streets one has the impression of a great Mexican city. "La Opinion," with a circulation of 60,000 copies, is one of three daily newspapers in Spanish in this enormous country. When did the Mexicanization of Los Angeles happen?
It has been a sociological phenomenon of tremendous implications.
A peaceful mass of people, hardworking, carries out slowly and patiently an unstoppable invasion, the most important in human history. You cannot give me a similar example of such a large migratory wave by an ant-like multitude, stubborn, unarmed, and carried on in the face of the most powerful and best-armed nation on earth.
But neither barbed-wire fences, nor aggressive border guards, nor campaigns, nor laws, nor police raids against the undocumented, have stopped this movement of the masses that is unprecedented in any part of the world.
In 1950 they were called "Pachucos" (half-breeds); today they are called "Chicanos." They have marked social and family characteristics, agility for adapting to the environment and for conquering a great region, once primitive and virgin, that belonged to our fatherland, and we lost it. But it seems to be slowly returning to the jurisdiction of Mexico without the firing of a single shot, nor requiring the least diplomatic action, by means of a steady, spontaneous, and uninterrupted occupation.
These are not assault troops. Nor are they potentates who take over a territory through economic power and purchase of properties. they are a mass of workers, artisans, women, and students who arrive to reinforce the base of the common people and the human virtues of this society in California. Much like them, despised and persecuted, were the humble Christians in the sovereign empire of Rome; but the meek brought down the Caesars and established -- for some 2,000 years now -- their own style of life over those all-powerful enslavers of the ancient world.
There is a great difference in circumstances. Today we perceive as powerful those who control and manage U.S. society; and it seems crazy to dare to believe it, but let's not forget that great social movements, and changes in social structure, were done by populist forces, so long as they knew how to work together.
The United States is the richest and best organized country in the world, within the limitations of its capitalist system. Its industrial power and way of living absorbs immigrants and readily converts them to nationals. But the Mexicans in the southern part of this nation continue to be Mexican and even to impress their personality on their surroundings, in limited proportions and yet every growing.
Usually they take low-paying jobs; nevertheless, they put such industry, will-power, and self-interest into their job efforts -- precisely because of unequal status in a hostile and deprecatory ambience -- that they end up making themselves indispensable.
California society does not dare to suppress them. The efforts of misguided authorities to expel them always end in failure. They (the Chicanos) are a social and physical reality that cannot be uprooted.
The U.S. upper classes in the western states live in increasing splendor. Their apogee of luxury and comfort doubtlessly marks the inevitable beginning of their decadence. The Mexican invasion continues.
Who are they? They are those who have a great capacity to take risks, the more ambitions, those with more character, the strongest from the rural and suburban areas of their4 home country. A human current of natural selection flows out of Mexico and settles down in the United states, where a second selection takes place. those who are selected must meet two tests: that of leaving, with fortitude, their family and society and giving up familiar ways and customs; and then that of having the character to adapt to new working conditions. A human current with these qualitie4s, if it can succeed in maintaining itself united and coherent, will end by winning. It's a question of time.
The territory lost in the 19th century by a Mexico torn by internal strife and under centralist dictatorships led by paranoid chiefs, like Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, seems to be restoring itself through a humble people who go on settling various zones that once were ours on the old maps.
Land, under any concept of possession, ends up in the hands of those who deserve it. All of us Mexicans should prove ourselves worthy of what we have and what we want. The problem is one or organization.
And those humble Mexicans - the braceros, the "wetbacks," the undocumented, teach us with their example of tough, iron-like character and their spirit of great adventure how to overcome a hostile environment. Let us imitate them from within the Mexico that belongs to us.
Copyright Notice: In accordance with Title 17 U. S. C. Section 107, any copyrighted work on this website is distributed under fair use without profit or payment to those who have expressed an interest in receiving the included information for nonprofit research and educational purposes only. Ref.: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
Lawmaker Wants 2000 Mile Long Border Fence
The Second Mexican War
The Second Mexican War
By Lawrence Auster
FrontPageMagazine.com | February 17, 2006
The Mexican invasion of the United States began decades ago as a
spontaneous migration of ordinary Mexicans into the U.S. seeking
economic opportunities. It has morphed into a campaign to occupy and
gain power over our country-a project encouraged, abetted, and
organized by the Mexican state and supported by the leading elements
of Mexican society.
It is, in other words, war. War does not have to consist of armed
conflict. War can consist of any hostile course of action undertaken
by one country to weaken, harm, and dominate another country. Mexico
is waging war on the U.S. through mass immigration illegal and legal,
through the assertion of Mexican national claims over the U.S., and
through the subversion of its laws and sovereignty, all having the
common end of bringing the southwestern part of the U.S. under the
control of the expanding Mexican nation, and of increasing Mexico's
political and cultural influence over the U.S. as a whole.
Cultural imperialism
We experience Mexico's assault on our country incrementally-as a
series of mini-crises, each of which calls forth ever-renewed debates
and perhaps some tiny change of policy. Because it has been with us so
long and has become part of the cultural and political air we breathe,
it is hard for us to see the deep logic behind our "immigration
problem." Focused as we are on border incursions, border enforcement,
illegal alien crime, guest worker proposals, changes of government in
Mexico City, and other such transient problems and events-all of them
framed by the media's obfuscation of whether or not illegal
immigration's costs outweigh its benefits and by the maudlin script of
"immigrant rights"-we don't get the Big Picture: that the Mexican
government is promoting and carrying out an attack on the United
States.
Another reason we miss what's happening is that our focus is on the
immigrants as individuals. Thus our leaders talk about illegal
immigrants as "good dads," "hard working folks" seeking to better
their lives and their family's prospects. In fact, this is not about
individual immigrants and their families, legal or illegal. It is
about a great national migration, a nation of people moving into our
nation's land, in order to reproduce on it their own nation and people
and push ours aside.
Thus, in orchestrating this war on America, the Mexican state is
representing the desires of the Mexican people as a whole.
What are these desires?
(1) Political revanchism-to regain control of the territories Mexico
lost to the U.S. in 1848, thus avenging themselves for the
humiliations they feel they have suffered at our hands for the last
century and a half;
(2) Cultural imperialism-to expand the Mexican culture and the Spanish
language into North America; and especially
(3) Economic parasitism-to maintain and increase the flow of billions
of dollars that Mexicans in the U.S. send back to their relatives at
home every year, a major factor keeping the chronically troubled
Mexican economy afloat and the corrupt Mexican political system
cocooned in its status quo.
These motives are shared by the Mexican masses and the elites.
According to a Zogby poll in 2002, 58 percent of the Mexican people
believed the U.S. Southwest belongs to Mexico, and 57 percent believed
that Mexicans have the right to enter the United States without U.S.
permission. Only small minorities disagreed with these propositions.
Meanwhile, for Mexico's opinion shapers, it is simply a truism that
the great northern migration is a reconquista of lands belonging to
Mexico, the righting of a great historic wrong. "A peaceful mass of
people . carries out slowly and patiently an unstoppable invasion, the
most important in human history" [emphasis added], wrote columnist
Carlos Loret de Mola for Mexico City's Excelsior newspaper in 1982.
You cannot give me a similar example of such a large migratory wave by
an ant-like multitude, stubborn, unarmed, and carried on in the face
of the most powerful and best-armed nation on earth.... [The migrant
invasion] seems to be slowly returning [the southwestern United
States] to the jurisdiction of Mexico without the firing of a single
shot, nor requiring the least diplomatic action, by means of a steady,
spontaneous, and uninterrupted occupation.
Similarly, the Mexican writer Elena Poniatowska told the Venezuelan
journal El Imparcial on July 3rd, 2001:
The people of the poor, the lice-ridden and the cucarachas are
advancing in the United States, a country that wants to speak Spanish
because 33.4 million Hispanics impose their culture...Mexico is
recovering the territories ceded to the United States with migratory
tactics...[This phenomenon] fills me with jubilation, because the
Hispanics can have a growing force between Patagonia and Alaska.
The Mexicans, as Poniatowska sees it, have changed from resentful
losers-which was the way Octavio Paz saw them in his famous 1960
study, The Labyrinth of Solitude-into winners. What accounts for this
change? Their expansion northward into the U.S., as the vanguard of a
Hispanic conquest of all of North America-cultural imperialism and
national vengeance combined in one great volkish movement.
Politicians echo the same aggressive sentiments. At an International
Congress of the Spanish Language in Spain in October 2000, Vicente
Fox, soon to become president of Mexico with the support of U.S.
conservatives, spoke of the "millions of Mexicans in the United
States, who in cities such as Chicago, New York, Los Angeles, Miami or
San Francisco, inject the vitality of the Spanish language and of
their cultural expression.... To continue speaking Spanish in the
United States is to hacer patria"-to do one's patriotic duty. Fox was
thus describing Mexican immigrants in the U.S., not as people who had
left Mexico and still had some sentimental connections there, as all
immigrants do, but as carriers of the national mission of the Mexican
nation into and inside the United States.
At the same conference, the Mexican novelist Carlos Fuentes said: "In
the face of the silent reconquista of the United States [emphasis
added], we confront a new linguistic phenomenon," by which he meant
that Spanish was conquering English just as it conquered the Aztec
language centuries ago. According to El Siglo, Fuentes received "an
intense ovation."
Government statements and policies
The Mexican invasion thus represents the ultimate self-realization of
the Mexican people as they move onto a larger part of the world
stage-namely the United States-than they have ever occupied before.
But the migration, and the imperialism that celebrates it, do not in
themselves constitute war. What makes this great national movement war
is the Mexican government's statements and actions about it,
particularly with regard to the extraterritorial nature of the Mexican
nation and its claims on the U.S. For years, Mexican presidents have
routinely spoken of a Mexican nation that extends beyond that
country's northern border into American territory. President Ernesto
Zedillo told a 1994 convention of the radical-left Mexican-American
lobbying group, the National Council of La Raza, "You are Mexicans
too, you just live in the United States." One of Fox's cabinet
officers, Juan Hernandez, has declared: "The Mexican population is 100
million in Mexico and 23 million who live in the United States." These
are not off-the-cuff statements, but formal state policy. As Heather
Mac Donald writes in her important article in the Fall 2005 City
Journal:
Mexico's five-year development plan in 1995 announced that the
"Mexican nation extends beyond ... its border"-into the United States.
Accordingly, the government would "strengthen solidarity programs with
the Mexican communities abroad by emphasizing their Mexican roots, and
supporting literacy programs in Spanish and the teaching of the
history, values, and traditions of our country."
Such solidarity not only keeps Mexican-Americans sending remittances
back to the home country, it makes them willing instruments of the
Mexican government. Fox's national security adviser proposed the
mobilization of Mexican-Americans as a tool of Mexican foreign policy,
as reported by Allan Wall. The head of the Presidential Office for
Mexicans Abroad said: "We are betting that the Mexican American
population in the United States ... will think Mexico first."
The Fifth Column
Once the Mexican people have been defined as a nation that transcends
the physical borders of the Republic of Mexico, and once
Mexican-Americans are defined as "Mexicans" who are to be represented
by the Mexican government, claims of "Mexican" sovereignty and rights
can be made on their behalf against the country in which they reside.
One such claim is to deny the authority of American law over them.
Thus President Zedillo in 1997 denounced attempts by the United States
to enforce its immigration laws, insisting that "we will not tolerate
foreign forces dictating laws to Mexicans." [Italics added.] The
"Mexicans" to whom he was referring were, of course, residents and
citizens of the U.S., living under U.S. law. By saying that U.S. law
does not apply to them, Zedillo was denying America's sovereign power
over its own territory. He was saying something that the Mexican elite
as a whole believe: that wherever Mexicans live (particularly the U.S.
Southwest, which many Mexicans see as rightfully theirs) the Mexican
nation has legitimate national interests. From this it follows that
the normal operation of U.S. law on Mexicans living in the U.S.
constitutes an "intolerable" attack on Mexican rights, which in turn
justifies further Mexican aggression against America in the form of
illegal border crossings, interference in the enforcement of U.S.
laws, and just plain government to government obnoxiousness.
Employing this irredentist logic, President Fox refuses to call
undocumented Mexicans in the U.S. "illegals." He told radio host Sean
Hannity in March 2002: "They are not illegals. They are people that
come there to work, to look for a better opportunity." But if people
who have entered the U.S. illegally are not doing something illegal,
then U.S. law itself has no legitimacy, at least over
Mexican-Americans, and any operation of U.S. law upon them is
aggression against the Mexican people.
Once we understand the cultural and national expansiveness that drives
the Mexicans, the rest of their behavior falls into place. Consider
Mexican Foreign Minister Jorge Castañeda's non-negotiable
demands-"It's the whole enchilada or nothing"-that he issued in a
speech in Phoenix, Arizona in 2001. America, said Castañeda (as
recounted by Allan Wall), "had to legalize all Mexican illegal aliens,
loosen its already lax border enforcement, establish a guest worker
program (during an economic downturn) and exempt Mexican immigrants
from U.S. visa quotas!" He also demanded that Mexicans living in the
U.S. receive health care and in-state college tuition. As Castañeda
summed it up in Tijuana a few days later, "We must obtain the greatest
number of rights for the greatest number of Mexicans [i.e. in the
U.S.] in the shortest time possible." What this adds up to, comments
Wall, is basically "the complete surrender of U.S. sovereignty over
immigration policy." And why not? As Castañeda had written in The
Atlantic in 1995: "Some Americans ... dislike immigration, but there
is very little they can do about it."
Hitler pursued Anschluss, the joining together of the Germans in
Austria with the Germans in Germany leading to the official annexation
of Austria to Germany. The softer Mexican equivalent of this concept
is acercamiento. The word means closer or warmer relations, yet it is
also used in the sense of getting Mexican-Americans to act as a
unified bloc to advance Mexico's political interests inside the U.S.,
particularly in increasing immigration and weakening U.S. immigration
law. Thus the Mexican government is using the Mexican U.S. population,
including its radical elements, as a fifth column.
As reported in the November 23, 2002 Houston Post:
Mexico's foreign minister, Jorge Castañeda, said his country would
begin a "bottom-up campaign" to win U.S. public support for a proposal
to legalize 3.5 million undocumented Mexican workers in the United
States. Castañeda said Mexican officials will begin rallying unions,
churches, universities and Mexican communities.... [Castañeda said:]
"We are already giving instructions to our consulates that they begin
propagating militant activities-if you will-in their communities."
La Voz de Aztlan, the radical Mexican-American group that seeks to end
U.S. "occupation" of the Southwest and form a new Mexican nation
there, writes at its website:
One great hope that came out of the Zapatista March was that generated
by the "alliance" that was forged by some of us in the
Chicano/Mexicano Delegation and our brothers and sisters in Mexico.
The delegation met with officials of the Partido Revolucionario
Democratico (PRD) in Mexico City and discussed strategies that will
increase our influence in the United States and further our collective
efforts of "acercamiento."
Mexico's violations of our laws and sovereignty
Let us now consider some of the specific actions by which the Mexican
government is carrying out the strategy outlined above:
- The Mexican government publishes a comic book-style booklet, Guía
del Migrante Mexicano (Guide for the Mexican Migrant), on how to
transgress the U.S. border safely ("Crossing the river can be very
risky, especially if you cross alone and at night ... Heavy clothing
grows heavier when wet and this makes it difficult to swim or float")
and avoid detection once in the U.S.
- As Heather Mac Donald puts it, Mexico backs up these written
instructions with real-world resources for the collective assault on
the border. An elite law enforcement team called Grupo Beta protects
illegal migrants as they sneak into the U.S. from corrupt Mexican
officials and criminals-essentially pitting two types of Mexican
lawlessness against each other. Grupo Beta currently maintains aid
stations for Mexicans crossing the desert. In April 2005, it worked
with Mexican federal and Sonoran state police to help steer illegal
aliens away from Arizona border spots patrolled by Minutemen border
enforcement volunteers-demagogically denounced by President Vicente
Fox as "migrant-hunting groups."
- While the Mexican government sends police to protect illegal border
crossers against criminals, rogue Mexican soldiers protecting drug
smugglers have threatened U.S. Border Patrol agents, and even engaged
in shootouts, as reported in the Washington Times in January 2006.
Rep. Tom Tancredo says the activities of these renegade Mexican troops
in support of drug traffickers amount to a "war" along the U.S.-Mexico
border, and he has urged President Bush to deploy troops there.
- Meanwhile, sheriffs from Hudspeth County, Texas testified before the
House Homeland Security Subcommittee on Investigations this month at a
hearing titled "Armed and Dangerous: Confronting the Problem of Border
Incursions." They spoke of a dramatic increase in alien and drug
smuggling. "The U.S./Mexico border is the weakest link and our
national security is only as good as our weakest link," said one
sheriff. "Our border is under siege." We need to understand that
whether the Mexican government is behind the border incursions or is
merely unable (or unwilling) to stop them, it ultimately doesn't
matter. As I said at the beginning, the Mexican war on America is
supported by all segments of the Mexican society, even, apparently,
the criminals. The situation is thus analogous to Muslim razzias or
raids-irregular attacks short of outright invasion-used to soften a
target country in anticipation of full scale military conquest. The
outlaws and smugglers and the renegade soldiers may not be official
agents of the Mexican government, yet they are serving its purposes by
sowing mayhem along our southern border and demoralizing our
population.
- A major role in Mexico's revanchist war against America is played by
the Mexican consulates in the U.S., reports Mac Donald. Now numbering
47 and increasing rapidly, they serve as the focal point of Mexico's
fifth column. While Mexico's foreign ministry distributes the Guía del
Migrante Mexicano inside Mexico, Mexican consulates, unbelievably,
distribute the guide to Mexican illegals inside the U.S.
- After the U.S. became more concerned about illegal immigration
following the 9/11 attack, the Mexican consulates were ordered to
promote the matricula consular-a card that simply identifies the
holder as a Mexican-as a way for illegals to obtain privileges that
the U.S. usually reserves for legal residents. The consulates started
aggressively lobbying American governmental officials and banks to
accept the matriculas as valid IDs for driver's licenses, checking
accounts, mortgage lending, and other benefits.
- The consulates freely hand out the matricula to anyone who asks, not
demanding proof that the person is legally in the U.S. Here is Mac
Donald's summary of the wildly improper role played by the consulates:
Disseminating information about how to evade a host country's laws is
not typical consular activity. Consulates exist to promote the
commercial interests of their nations abroad and to help nationals if
they have lost passports, gotten robbed, or fallen ill. If a national
gets arrested, consular officials may visit him in jail, to ensure
that his treatment meets minimum human rights standards. Consuls
aren't supposed to connive in breaking a host country's laws or
intervene in its internal affairs.
- As an example of the latter, the Mexican consulates automatically
denounce, as "biased," virtually all law enforcement activities
against Mexican illegals inside the U.S. The Mexican authorities
tolerate deportations of illegals if U.S. officials arrest them at the
border and promptly send them back to the other side-whence they can
try again the next day. But once an illegal is inside the U.S. and
away from the border, he gains untouchable status in the eyes of
Mexican consuls, and any U.S. law enforcement activity against him is
seen as an abuse of his rights.
- The Mexican consulates actively campaign in U.S. elections on
matters affecting illegal aliens. In November 2004, Arizona voters
passed Proposition 200, which reaffirmed existing state law that
requires proof of citizenship in order to vote and to receive welfare
benefits. The Mexican consul general in Phoenix sent out press
releases urging Hispanics to vote against it. After the law passed,
Mexico's foreign minister threatened to bring suit in international
tribunals for this supposedly egregious human rights violation, and
the Phoenix consulate supported the Mexican-American Legal Defense and
Education Fund's federal lawsuit against the proposition.
- The consulates also help spread Mexican culture. We are not speaking
here of the traditional activity of embassies and consulates in
representing their country's culture in a friendly and educational way
to the host country; we are speaking of consulates acting as agents of
the Mexican state's imperialistic agenda. Each of Mexico's consulates
in the U.S. has a mandate to introduce Mexican textbooks (that's
Mexican textbooks) into U.S. schools with significant Hispanic
populations. The Mexican consulate in Los Angeles bestowed nearly
100,000 textbooks on 1,500 schools in the Los Angeles Unified School
District this year alone.
- It has also been proposed that Mexicans in the U.S. vote in Mexican
elections in designated electoral districts in the United States.
Under this proposal, California, for example, might have seats in the
Mexican Congress, specifically representing Mexicans residing in that
state. The governing PAN party of President Fox has opposed this idea,
not out of respect for U.S. sovereignty, but out of fear that most
Mexicans in the U.S. would vote against the PAN. Meanwhile, another of
Mexico's three major parties, the leftist PRD, urges the designation
of the entire United States as the sixth Mexican electoral district.
The follies of the victors
Throughout this article, I have spoken of Mexico's revanchist campaign
against the U.S. as though the Mexicans were carrying it out
completely against our will. But as we are bitterly aware, this is not
at all the case. Something has happened in America over the last 40
years that has not only opened us to the Mexican invasion, but has
even invited it. From the refusal of many American cities to cooperate
with the INS, to President Bush's celebration of Mexican illegal
aliens as the carriers of family values, to the Democratic Party's
insistence that all Mexican illegals in the U.S. be given instant
amnesty and U.S. citizenship, it seems that America itself wants the
Mexicans to invade and gain power in our country. Since we (or rather,
some of us) have invited the Mexican invasion, does this mean we (or
rather the rest of us) have no right oppose it?
In the first chapter of his history of the Second World War, entitled
"The Follies of the Victors," Winston Churchill wrote that the
triumphant Western allies after the First World War made two mistakes,
which in combination were fatal. First, they gave the defeated Germans
the motive for revenge, by imposing terribly harsh penalties on them,
and second-insanely-they gave them the opportunity for revenge, by
failing to enforce the surrender terms when Hitler began to violate
them in the 1930s. Yet the fact that the victors' inexcusable follies
enabled Germany to initiate a devastating war against Europe did not
change the fact that Germany had initiated the war and had to be
beaten. In the same way, by wresting vast territories from Mexico in
1848 we gave the Mexicans the motive for revenge, and then, 120 years
later, we insanely gave them the opportunity, by letting Mexicans
immigrate en masse into the very lands that our ancestors had taken
from theirs, and also by adopting a view of ourselves as a guilty
nation deserving of being overrun by cultural aliens.
We gave them the opportunity, they took it, and now it is they who are
dictating terms to us.
To quote again from Jorge Castañeda's 1995 Atlantic article:
Some Americans-undoubtedly more than before-dislike immigration, but
there is very little they can do about it, and the consequences of
trying to stop immigration would also certainly be more pernicious
than any conceivable advantage. The United States should count its
blessings: it has dodged instability on its borders since the Mexican
Revolution, now nearly a century ago. The warnings from Mexico are
loud and clear; this time it might be a good idea to heed them.
Because the U.S. has been silent and passive, Castañeda, in the manner
of all bullies and conquistadors, tells us to heed Mexico. The time is
long since passed for us to reverse this drama, and make Mexico heed
the United States. But for us to do this, we must recognize that the
Mexicans are not coming here merely as individuals seeking economic
opportunities, but as a nation, expressing their national identity and
collective will. Even more important, we must revive our own largely
forgotten and forbidden sense that we ourselves are a nation, not just
a bunch of consumers and bearers of individual rights, and have the
right to defend our nation as a nation.
Lawrence Auster is the author of Erasing America: The Politics of the
Borderless Nation. He offers a traditionalist conservative perspective
at his weblog, View from the Right.
The Fifth Column
Once the Mexican people have been defined as a nation that transcends
the physical borders of the Republic of Mexico, and once
Mexican-Americans are defined as "Mexicans" who are to be represented
by the Mexican government, claims of "Mexican" sovereignty and rights
can be made on their behalf against the country in which they reside.
One such claim is to deny the authority of American law over them.
Thus President Zedillo in 1997 denounced attempts by the United States
to enforce its immigration laws, insisting that "we will not tolerate
foreign forces dictating laws to Mexicans." [Italics added.] The
"Mexicans" to whom he was referring were, of course, residents and
citizens of the U.S., living under U.S. law. By saying that U.S. law
does not apply to them, Zedillo was denying America's sovereign power
over its own territory. He was saying something that the Mexican elite
as a whole believe: that wherever Mexicans live (particularly the U.S.
Southwest, which many Mexicans see as rightfully theirs) the Mexican
nation has legitimate national interests. From this it follows that
the normal operation of U.S. law on Mexicans living in the U.S.
constitutes an "intolerable" attack on Mexican rights, which in turn
justifies further Mexican aggression against America in the form of
illegal border crossings, interference in the enforcement of U.S.
laws, and just plain government to government obnoxiousness.
Employing this irredentist logic, President Fox refuses to call
undocumented Mexicans in the U.S. "illegals." He told radio host Sean
Hannity in March 2002: "They are not illegals. They are people that
come there to work, to look for a better opportunity." But if people
who have entered the U.S. illegally are not doing something illegal,
then U.S. law itself has no legitimacy, at least over
Mexican-Americans, and any operation of U.S. law upon them is
aggression against the Mexican people.
http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=21309